By Fourteen years ago, when listservs were still a thing, I received a random email from a fellow undergraduate student at Stanford University. It turned out to be none other than Jawar Mohammed. At that time, no one knew him. He was sporting Bob Marley dreadlocks. After a series of meetings, we were preparing to hold the first Oromo Youth Leadership Conference within months, which served as a launchpad for the International Oromo Youth Association (IOYA), an umbrella organization of Oromo youth groups around the world.
The idea was borne over many nights of coffee. Jawar had two traditional drinking cups called Geeba in Oromo. He gave me one that always sat on a shelf in his dorm. I lived on the opposite side of the Stanford Campus, but whenever I went to the library, I would stop by his dormitory and drink coffee from this Geeba. We often brainstormed ideas on building a pan-Oromo youth base that will help rekindle the dormant Oromo struggle.
I was interested in creating the next generation of thinkers and problem-solvers that will transform the plight of Oromos and others in Ethiopia. Jawar was keen to launch broad-based youth activism. At the time, it did not matter. I drafted the first manifesto, and Jawar translated it into Afaan Oromo and posted the document on an online forum called OromoIndex. My initial approach was to guard this new organization, at least in its early phase, while letting its work speak for itself. Jawar was eager and wanted to broadcast the ideas to the world even before it came to fruition. Our degree of risk aversion became a cause for concern. I departed from the project after working with him for a year. The idea quickly caught on, and what we started at Stanford ended up galvanizing the Oromo youth in the diaspora.
Jawar Mohammed and Dr. Abdusabur at Stanford University.
Upon graduation, Jawar moved to Minnesota, the mecca of Oromo activism. He planned to form alliances and work with other Ethiopians, as is evident from his appearances on media outlets such as the Ethiopian Satellite Television (ESAT). As a newcomer, he also had to establish rapport with the Oromo diaspora. Jawar positioned himself as a keen observer of Ethiopia and sought to build bridges among the vast Ethiopian diaspora. His meteoric rise among Oromos would not happen until 2013 when Al Jazeera English asked him whether he was Oromo first or Ethiopian first. Jawar chose the former. This simple response became a blessing in disguise for Jawar. The so-called “Ethiopianist” Habeshas roundly denounced him, pushing him further into the Oromo camp and forcing him to pick a side. The Habeshas, whom he courted for years as allies, wanted to punish Jawar for speaking his mind. His star shone, and Jawar galvanized the Oromo on a scale not seen before. Ironically, perhaps we might not have seen the Jawar phenomenon had the Habeshas not tried to lynch him for his political beliefs.
Still, it was not until the formation of Oromia Media Network (OMN) in 2014 that Jawar would finally find his singular voice. Given his talent in media and social activism, this was a natural fit for him. And the Qeerroo movement came to the forefront of the Oromo struggle during this crucial time. OMN became the voice of the Qeerroo and Oromos in general. To be sure, other social movements, including the influential Dimtsachn Yisema by Ethiopian Muslims, preceded the Oromo protests in challenging the Ethiopian government’s callous attacks on civil liberties.
But the Qeerroos fueled and connected by OMN accelerated the downfall of the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF). Activists in other regions, particularly the Fano in the Amhara region, joined to create a domino effect. The struggle against the ruthless Ethiopian regime took the lives of thousands of youths, Oromos paying the highest price. Shortly after that, Dr. Abiy Ahmed, a hitherto unknown figure outside the EPRDF core, suddenly emerged as a reformist leader embracing the protesters’ demands for change. He declared that his party had killed enough, and it was time to craft a new vision for a new Ethiopia. His elevation as prime minister in April 2018 marked the dawn of hope for many Ethiopians, but it would not last long.
The tension was there from the beginning for those who looked at the emerging political dynamic with a dispassionate lens. I distinctly remember an incident I saw in Minnesota. I was visiting Minneapolis when Abiy visited Ethiopian communities in that city. Seeing a significant number of Oromos, Somalis, and other Ethiopians line up to welcome their leader was awe-inspiring. At the Minneapolis Convention Center, adoring Oromo fans waved the OLF flag.
Somalis and other minorities from the South waved their regional flags. And the Amhara displayed the older pre-1990 tricolor Ethiopian flag without the star emblem. Despite the tense atmosphere, it was fascinating to see various Ethiopian communities come together and celebrate a moment of great hope. Yet, I could also sense the uneasiness in this marriage of convenience between the Amhara and Oromos. Sadly, this moment of hope could not last forever because it was built on the shaky ground of euphoria instead of meaningful strategic depth.
Jawar was there too; he joined Abiy and his entourage at the podium, making a united front and standing shoulder to shoulder with Ethiopia’s new leaders. Shortly after that, he packed up his belongings, closed the OMN office in Minneapolis, and permanently moved to Ethiopia. Abiy Ahmed’s rise represented something of a fresh start for Ethiopia; at last, it seemed possible that there is light at the end of the tunnel and that Ethiopians have found a unifying leader. Abiy positioned himself as a transformative figure and went on to win the Nobel Peace Prize.
Fast forward to 2021; some of those who unquestionably embraced Abiy are showing buyer’s remorse. A significant number of Ethiopians, including Oromos, are increasingly suspicious of Abiy and his intentions. The reform in Ethiopia is unique because so many players with competing interests contributed to the change of guard. The assortment of actors continues to plague the reform effort. In essence, there was no agreement on post-reform Ethiopia’s fate at the regional and federal levels.
The turning point
The government invited Jawar back to Ethiopia, knowing full well the benefits and costs of a wildly popular activist known as a disruptor. He had unparalleled contributions to the downfall of the previous regime. But he is also an aspiring politician. It was clear from the beginning that Abiy and his allies in Oromia saw Jawar as a potential threat to their power.
Tensions boiled over in October 2019 when the government decided to remove Jawar’s security details in the wee hours of the night. The incident represented an ugly turn in his relations with the Abiy administration. Jawar disclosed the effort to strip him of security and said the government is responsible if something happened to him. Unsurprisingly, the Qeerroo came out from all across Oromia to protest the decision. Many people died in the ensuing protests.
What was more alarming was the reaction of the urban Ethiopian elites, the media, and activists. The tension between Jawar, his supporters, and the Amhara activists is not new. The anti-Jawar campaign began in 2013 and grew stronger as he became more popular. The killing of innocent Ethiopians, regardless of their ethnic or religious background, is unconscionable. However, the reaction to Jawar’s disclosure of the government’s misguided decision was unwise. Many non-Oromo Ethiopians still blame Jawar—without a shred of evidence or anything connecting him to the killings—for the death of more than 80 people during the violent episode.
Abiy went on an apology tour in Oromia, denying involvement in removing Jawar’s guards and absolving him of any responsibility for the fallout. Jawar’s right to freedom of speech has always been on trial. He had an influential role in Ethiopian politics and continues to be a force to reckon with. However, Amhara activists and anti-federalist urban elites’ overreaction continues to drive Oromos to the extreme edges. And this kind of rift has been one of the most unfortunate developments since the advent of Oromara.
Even more dangerous is the invoking of a religious tone. In 2019, ahead of his formal foray into party politics, Jawar returned to the U.S. for a community engagement tour. His detractors organized counter-protests in various U.S. cities. In this video, angry protesters chant: “Jawar is a killer. Jawar is a terrorist.” At another rally in Washington, D.C., speakers made the case that Jawar is seeking to build a caliphate in Oromia. This line of thinking emanates from the toxic hatred of some Ethiopians against Ethiopian Muslims. And there is a long-held belief among segments of Ethiopians to frame Muslims as outsiders and as the threatening “other.” And there are historical precedents for such religious animosity, including in letters written by Emperor Tewedros II.
The brazen attack was intended to undermine Jawar, and it has nothing to do with Jawar’s activism. No Muslim that I know of looks up to Jawar as a Muslim leader. Jawar represents Oromo activism and Oromo nationalism. But to bring religion into this debate is morally disingenuous, and it is dangerous rhetoric that needs to stop. Attacks on religious groups in Ethiopia are real, and they need to be addressed. But there is no Muslim vs. Christian conflict in Ethiopia, although political conflicts do take on religious dimensions.
Some of the anti-Jawar rallies organized by non-Oromo Ethiopians were illiberal and abusive. For example, there are videos of protests in places like Seattle where they had to call the police to have a peaceful meeting. This was a meeting organized by Oromos in a rented private venue. And the rally was being held in the land of the free, where everyone is entitled to their speech. I believe every Ethiopian is allowed to follow what they want and follow the leader they think will solve their problems. But it is undemocratic and irresponsible to try and forcefully stop a meeting of those we disagree with. That calls for chaos and violence, which are both antitheses to democratic norms and ideals.
Jawar and the reform in Ethiopia
I have followed Jawar’s political evolution since we met more than a decade ago—albeit from a distance. His philosophy remains the same: Oromos should have a fair share of power and resources in Ethiopia.
Jawar has made a positive contribution to Ethiopian and Oromo politics. For instance, without the role played by Jawar and his supporters, the Oromo People’s Democratic Organization (OPDO) would have remained a tool of the EPRDF. The painful struggle and the sacrifice of Qeerroos brought the needed reform to Ethiopia and liberated OPDO from the Tigrayan elite’s control. The OPDO joined the Oromo protests struggle at the 11th hour, and its involvement changed the course and dynamic of the movement, but it would have been less successful had it not coordinated with people like Jawar.
By building a media empire and a loyal following, Jawar was able to challenge the despotic regime. With a small budget but a clear sense of purpose, he shaped Ethiopia’s political trajectory. What makes his approach desirable is also his emphasis on nonviolence, an idea that is also espoused by his comrade Bekele Gerba. Oromos have at different times resisted the Ethiopian state through armed means. The debate on armed v. nonviolent means of achieving Oromo freedom remains unsettled. Some Oromos are now calling for a full-blown armed struggle to achieve their goals.
Given the narrowing of political space and in the face of unparalleled state-directed violence, some see non-violence strategy as a dead-end. They ask, if people like Jawar and Bekele could end up in Ethiopian jails because of their political beliefs, what is the purpose of adhering to the doctrine of non-violence? Hence, in light of Ethiopian politics’ violent nature, Jawar’s contribution to the struggle for freedom through nonviolence needs to be celebrated and not condemned.
Why should non-Oromos defend Jawar?
Jawar’s early rise in politics reveals a lot about his persona. In one of the speeches he gave in front of an Ethiopianist audience in 2010, he laid out his early thoughts on Ethiopia’s future. He started by criticizing both ethno-nationalist and Ethiopian nationalist camps. He accused the ethno-nationalists of “obsessing over anti-Amhara rhetoric” and building “ethnic enclaves.” At the same time, he leveled charges against the “Ethiopian nationalist” camp as “reactionaries and intolerant” whose intention was to destroy federalism.
In his final assessment, he recommends a negotiated settlement between these two camps based on “reason” and “ consent.” He further criticized the conference for lacking in diversity. He asked the organizers, “where are the Somalis, who are the most persecuted group in Ethiopia today?” He further inquired, “Where are the Muslims who make up almost half of Ethiopia’s population?”
Jawar has said many things on TV. One of the most memorable speeches he gave was when he referred to the use of “Mencha.” That is the closest he came to referencing anything that would invoke violence. Mencha is a traditional tool used by farmers in places like Hararghe. You cannot go about your daily life without Mencha. People use it for clearing shrubs and for farming. It is also part of the culture like a dagger is part of the Yemeni culture. Indeed, if you look at the whole speech and the context in which it was delivered, it is clear that his detractors took out of context the use of the word “Mencha.”
From my understanding, he was referring to the fact that Muslims from his area are respected because they are strong. But he was not suggesting people should go out and kill others. There is ample evidence to suggest this latter theory. For example, in Hararghe, where Muslims are a significant majority, there has not been a documented case of people being killed because of their religious belief—at least before the advent of EPRDF.
Jawar can sometimes make a crude joke or commit a gaffe, but his commitment to peaceful struggle is not in doubt. He gave thousands of speeches, and I do not remember a single instance where he called for violence against other groups. Other public charges for which Jawar has been accused include his role in the Oromia Orthodox Clergy movement. And organizers should have vetted some of the speakers at Jawar’s rallies.
I do understand how the issue of the Orthodox Church is very sensitive for Ethiopian Christians. And the Church needs to address the issues raised by Oromo Orthodox followers. Jawar managed a media outlet supported by Oromos and gave the Oromia clergy advocates the platform to air their grievances. But most Oromos, including Muslims, want a peaceful resolution to a religious question. There is no conspiracy to dismantle the Orthodox Church. Even if the Oromia Orthodox becomes a separate entity, it will continue to serve Christians. This is a good time for Church leaders to defend Jawar, which will help build bridges.
What does it mean to be Ethiopian?
In the final analysis, Jawar’s appearance on the Ethiopian political scene is a great thing for all of us. For one, he managed to galvanize the Oromos to bring the needed reform in Ethiopia despite its current challenges. He has also shown the capacity to reach across the aisle and work with groups with divergent historical understanding and political views. I want other Ethiopians to defend Jawar, not because of any particular love for him or admiration for his work. But because he is an important figure that could contribute positively to the welfare of Ethiopia. As someone who comes from a diverse background and as someone who broke his teeth in the “ethnonational” political discourse, Jawar could be the missing link that potentially moves Ethiopia forward.
If Amharas could move beyond the visceral feeling they have about Jawar and focus on maintaining peace and creating a just Ethiopia that works for everyone; they have a rare opportunity to do so now. First, Ethiopia’s problems are beyond Jawar, for he neither created nor could solve them by himself. He has shown that he is a formidable force and a catalyst with unmistaken genius to galvanize his base and achieve a singular goal. Thus, his presence on Ethiopia’s political scene will help the nation rather than hurt it.
Secondly, Oromos are still mourning the death of Taddasa Birru, Tafari Banti, and many other leaders who took on the job of building Ethiopia that accommodates all of its people. Yet, they were killed by the state—and there are thousands of Oromos whose lives have been destroyed by the state across the Oromia region. And Oromos are still shell-shocked from the political assassination of Haacaaluu Hundeessaa, an iconic musician and activist. There has not been an independent investigation, meaning we will not find out who killed this transformative figure. If something terrible happens to Jawar, the Ethiopian state will be blamed for centuries to come. Thirdly, unlike the previous generations of Oromos, the modern Oromo is educated and wired. The youth know their rights and freedom like they see the rise of the sun.
That is why I am calling on Amhara and other urban elites to set aside their grudge and call for the immediate release of Jawar Mohamed, Bekele Gerba, and all other political prisoners. Likewise, I call on Oromo activities and nationalists to call for the release of Eskinder Nega and all other political prisoners. Could you imagine if 1000 religious figures, academics, politicians, and elder councils visit Eskinder in prison? Could you also imagine if the Amhara elites and influencers visit Jawar Mohamed and Bekele in prison? It would have an earth-shattering impact on the future of Ethiopia.
Remember, the Oromo delegation that went to Tana and proclaimed “Xaanaan Keenyaa” profoundly impacted how small gestures can heal communities. The same is also true for Gonderes, saying, “Bekele’s blood is our blood.” This type of organic solidarity can build or break a country. It is not the military or jingoistic nationalism that will keep Ethiopia together as a unified state—it is the interwoven fabric of local communities that will hold Ethiopians together. The same people who built Ethiopia with treasure and blood will end up burning it down if we fail to understand each other’s pain and, more importantly, if we fail to reach across the divide no matter how painful or hard that is. If you genuinely care about Ethiopia, this is the moment that calls for reconciliation, understanding, and love.
What should the government of Ethiopia do?
There are serious charges leveled against Jawar and other Oromo leaders. However, Jawar and his comrades are in prison due to their political views. There is ample evidence to suggest the political nature of their persecution. First, the crimes for which Jawar is being accused predates Haacaaluu ’s killing. The question is this: if the government felt it necessary to prosecute him, why wait until the opportune moment to arrest him? Second, the Ethiopian government has a well-established track record of using the court system to criminalize its opponents. We saw this with the 2005 election in which the Kinijit party challenged the sitting government. A more plausible explanation for the jailing of Jawar and Bekele is electoral politics. Given the swelling of Oromo support for OFC, the Prosperity Party felt threatened and wanted to eliminate any pocket of opposition from Oromia.
To ease the dire situation we find ourselves in, it is only logical to ask the government of Ethiopia to release all political prisoners. This includes Eskinder Nega along with Jawar Mohamed and Bekele Gerba. It will engender a sense of confidence in Ethiopians. Let us not forget: these leaders have millions of followers, and it would be naïve to think that the government could get away with using the court system to silence descent.
In the case of Jawar, he has built up millions of loyal followers even if one disagrees with his politics. Hence, eliminating Jawar from the political scene would not move a needle in Ethiopian politics. The problems we face are too great. Sadly, Oromos were dying even before Jawar was born, raising the same issues and questions. If anything, the same set of problems will continue to plague us as a nation. However, Jawar and others who are languishing in jail would contribute positively to the Ethiopian political discourse, which is good for the country.
Thus, the government could alleviate the anxiety and fear experienced by Oromo communities and others by releasing these leaders. Afterward, the government should call for a national reconciliation led by a third party, including international mediators. And the goal should be to accommodate and find common grounds instead of resorting to zero-sum games. The country is big enough to serve all Ethiopians. No one should have a monopoly on power or control all the resources. Shared governance is possible if we look at those with other views, not with eyes of suspicion but assets that we can tap into.
In terms of optics, releasing these leaders will also dispel some of the fears that Ethiopia’s upcoming election will not be fair and free. Therefore, releasing people Jawar, Bekele, and all other political prisoners will show both Ethiopians and the international community that PM Abiy is indeed committed to the untraveled path of democracy. If the government is worried about Jawar having big rallies or making inciting speeches, the government can work with the opposition to form a separate organization that monitors political organizations’ campaign rallies.
As the election approaches, Ethiopians should consider this question: can you accept an outcome that you disagree with for the sake of democratic tolerance? Jawar should be held to the highest standard, and Ethiopians—including, of course, Oromos—should hold him responsible for his rhetoric and actions. For Ethiopia to move forward, we need diverse political voices that represent the aspirations of all Ethiopians—even the ones we disagree with.
Lastly, I firmly believe that the current generation of Ethiopians could leave behind a lasting legacy of peace and cooperation. And instead of calling for criminalizing and calling for the persecution of Jawar, it would be more beneficial to call for his release. It will mark a historic moment that will usher in the freedom of all Ethiopians.
Beyond the moral underpinning, supporting the freedom of Jawar will also give rise to a new movement that seeks to transcend the narrow confines of politics and historical injustices. We could finally envision Ethiopia not as a source of conflict, misery, war, and poverty but as an oasis of human freedom and justice. In the spirit of brotherhood, we could build a new Ethiopia one brick at a time. And we need people like Jawar Mohamed to be a part of that transcendent journey.
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